. Let us look at his probablemodus operandi. . Sir, all our difficulties on this subject have arisen from interference from abroad, which has disturbed, and may again disturb, our domestic tranquility, just so far as to bring down punishment upon the heads of the unfortunate victims of a fanatical and mistaken humanity. [was] fixed, forever, the character of the population in the vast regions Northwest of the Ohio, by excluding from them involuntary servitude. Webster's argument that the constitution should stand as a powerful uniting force between the states rather than a treaty between sovereign states held as a key concept in America's ideas about the federal government. My life upon it, sir, they would not. . Every scheme or contrivance by which rulers are able to procure the command of money by means unknown to, unseen or unfelt by, the people, destroys this security. You'll laugh, you'll cry, you'll hopefully stay awake until the end of the lesson. They cherish no deep and fixed regard for it, flowing from a thorough conviction of its absolute and vital necessity to our welfare. Religion and the Pure Principles of Morality: The American Anti-Slavery Society, Declaration of Sent Constitution of the American Anti-Slavery Society, Appeal to the Christian Women of the South, Protest in Illinois Legislature on Slavery. In our contemplation, Carolina and Ohio are parts of the same country; states, united under the same general government, having interests, common, associated, intermingled. It impressed on the soil itself, while it was yet a wilderness, an incapacity to bear up any other than free men. . Sheidley, Harlow W. "The Wester-Hayne Debate: Recasting New England's Sectionalism", Virginia and Kentucky resolutions of 179899, https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=WebsterHayne_debate&oldid=1135315190, This page was last edited on 23 January 2023, at 22:54. Northern states intended to strengthen the federal government, binding the states in the union under one supreme law, and eradicating the use of slave labor in the rapidly growing nation. . Connecticut and other northeastern states were worried about the pace of growth and wanted to slow this down. . We who come here, as agents and representatives of these narrow-minded and selfish men of New England, consider ourselves as bound to regard, with equal eye, the good of the whole, in whatever is within our power of legislation. Try refreshing the page, or contact customer support. It has been said that Hayne was Calhoun's sword and buckler and that he returned to the contest refreshed each morning by nightly communions with the Vice-President, drawing auxiliary supplies from the well-stored arsenal of his powerful and subtle mind. Webster scoffed at the idea of consolidation, labeling it "that perpetual cry, both of terror and delusion." What Hayne and his supporters actually meant to do, Webster claimed, was to resist those means that might strengthen the bonds of common interest. It laid the interdict against personal servitude, in original compact, not only deeper than all local law, but deeper, also, than all local constitutions. I wish to see no new powers drawn to the general government; but I confess I rejoice in whatever tends to strengthen the bond that unites us, and encourages the hope that our Union may be perpetual. . If slavery, as it now exists in this country, be an evil, we of the present day found it ready made to our hands. In January 1830, a debate on the nature of sovereignty in the America. He served as a U.S. senator from 1823 to 1832, and was a leading proponent of the states' rights doctrine. we find the most opposite and irreconcilable opinions between the two parties which I have before described. On January 19, 1830, Hayne attacked the Foot Resolution and labeled the Northeasterners as selfish and unprincipled for their support of protectionism and conservative land policies. Gloomy and downcast of late, Massachusetts men walked the avenue as though the fife and drum were before them. I will yield to no gentleman here in sincere attachment to the Union,but it is a Union founded on the Constitution, and not such a Union as that gentleman would give us, that is dear to my heart. Then, in January of 1830, a senator from Connecticut introduced a proposal to the Senate stating that the federal government should stop surveying the lands west of the Mississippi River. . Sir, I should fear the rebuke of no intelligent gentleman of Kentucky, were I to ask whether, if such an ordinance could have been applied to his own state, while it yet was a wilderness, and before Boone had passed the gap of the Alleghany, he does not suppose it would have contributed to the ultimate greatness of that commonwealth? . . . This feeling, always carefully kept alive, and maintained at too intense a heat to admit discrimination or reflection, is a lever of great power in our political machine. Inflamed and mortified at this repulse, Hayne soon returned to the assault, primed with a two-day speech, which at great length vaunted the patriotism of South Carolina and bitterly attacked New England, dwelling particularly upon her conduct during the late war. . In The Webster-Hayne Debate, Christopher Childers examines the context of the debate between Daniel Webster of Massachusetts and his Senate colleague Robert S. Hayne of South Carolina in January 1830 . Two leading ideas predominated in this reply, and with respect to either Hayne was not only answered but put to silence. Some of Webster's personal friends had felt nervous over what appeared to them too hasty a period for preparation. He rose, the image of conscious mastery, after the dull preliminary business of the day was dispatched, and with a happy figurative allusion to the tossed mariner, as he called for a reading of the resolution from which the debate had so far drifted, lifted his audience at once to his level. The Webster-Hayne debate was a famous debate in the United States between Senator Daniel Webster of Massachusetts and Senator Robert Y. Hayne of South Carolina.It happened on January 19-27, 1830. Web hardcover $30.00 paperback $17.00 kindle nook book ibook. Sir, I will not stop at the border; I will carry the war into the enemys territory, and not consent to lay down my arms, until I shall have obtained indemnity for the past, and security for the future.[4] It is with unfeigned reluctance that I enter upon the performance of this part of my duty. They have agreed, that certain specific powers shall be exercised by the federal government; but the moment that government steps beyond the limits of its charter, the right of the states to interpose for arresting the progress of the evil, and for maintaining within their respective limits the authorities, rights, and liberties, appertaining to them,[7] is as full and complete as it was before the Constitution was formed. Sir, the very chief end, the main design, for which the whole Constitution was framed and adopted, was to establish a government that should not be obliged to act through state agency, or depend on state opinion and state discretion. Having thus distinctly stated the points in dispute between the gentleman and myself, I proceed to examine them. I will struggle while I have life, for our altars and our fire sides, and if God gives me strength, I will drive back the invader discomfited. It makes but little difference, in my estimation, whether Congress or the Supreme Court, are invested with this power. I am a Unionist, and in this sense a national Republican. . We found that we had to deal with a people whose physical, moral, and intellectual habits and character, totally disqualified them from the enjoyment of the blessings of freedom. I regard domestic slavery as one of the greatest of evils, both moral and political. Hayne and the South saw it as basically a treaty between sovereign states. This episode was used in nineteenth century America as a Biblical justification for slavery. New England, the Union, and the Constitution in its integrity, all were triumphantly vindicated. Daniel Webster stood as a ready and formidable opponent from the north who, at different stages in his career, represented both the states of New Hampshire and Massachusetts. The Webster-Hayne debate was a series of spontaneous speeches presented to the United States Senate by senators Daniel Webster of Massachusetts and Robert Y. Hayne of South Carolina. Beyond that I seek not to penetrate the veil. We resolved to make the best of the situation in which Providence had placed us, and to fulfil the high trust which had developed upon us as the owners of slaves, in the only way in which such a trust could be fulfilled, without spreading misery and ruin throughout the land. "The most eloquent speech ever delivered in Congress" may have been Webster's 1830 "Second Reply to Hayne", a South Carolina Senator who had echoed John C. Calhoun's case for state's rights.. Excerpts from Ratification Documents of Virginia a Ratifying Conventions>New York Ratifying Convention. The states cannot now make war; they cannot contract alliances; they cannot make, each for itself, separate regulations of commerce; they cannot lay imposts; they cannot coin money. The debate was important because it laid out the arguments in favor of nationalism in the face of growing sectionalism. I feel like its a lifeline. But, sir, the gentleman is mistaken. These debates transformed into a national crisis when South Carolina threatened . He describes fully that old state of things then existing. Religious Views: Letter to the Editor of the Illin Democratic Party Platform 1860 (Douglas Faction), (Northern) Democratic Party Platform Committee. Connecticut's proposal was an attempt to slow the growth of the nation, control westward expansion, and bolster the federal government's revenue. 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The Webster-Hayne debates began over one issue but quickly switched to another. Webster and the North treated it as binding the states together as a single union. . The honorable gentleman from Massachusetts [Senator Daniel Webster] has gone out of his way to pass a high eulogium on the state of Ohio. Let us look at the historical facts. . God grant that, in my day, at least, that curtain may not rise. Speech on the Repeal of the Missouri Compromise. It was plenary then, and never having been surrendered, must be plenary now. . Though Webster made an impassioned argument, the political, social, and economic traditions of New England informed his ideas about the threatened nation. I understand him to maintain, that the ultimate power of judging of the constitutional extent of its own authority, is not lodged exclusively in the general government, or any branch of it; but that, on the contrary, the states may lawfully decide for themselves, and each state for itself, whether, in a given case, the act of the general government transcends its power. His speech was indeed a powerful one of its eloquence and personality. . . . Sir, an immense national treasury would be a fund for corruption. Most people of the time supported a small central government and strong state governments, so the federal government was much weaker than you might have expected. His ideas about federalism and his interpretation of the Constitution as a document uniting the states under one supreme law were highly influential in the eyes of his contemporaries and would influence the rebuilding of the nation after the Civil War. Sir, I deprecate and deplore this tone of thinking and acting. flashcard sets. . The debate continued, in some ways not being fully settled until the completion of the Civil War affirmed the power of the federal government to preserve the Union over the sovereignty of the states to leave it. I deem far otherwise of the Union of the states; and so did the Framers of the Constitution themselves. They switched from a. the tariff of 1828 to national power . . The people had had quite enough of that kind of government, under the Confederacy. Hayne, South Carolina's foremost Senator, was the chosen champion; and the cause of his State, both in its right and wrong sides, could have found no abler exponent while [Vice President] Calhoun's official station kept him from the floor. Nor shall I stop there. . The other way was through the sale of federally-owned land to private citizens. In whatever is within the proper sphere of the constitutional power of this government, we look upon the states as one.
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